the necessary learning to compromise

RNothing in the political culture that has developed in France in recent years prepares national representation for the challenge before it: avoiding the political fragmentation of a country that is deeply fragmented. The consultations initiated by the Head of State with leaders of various parties, Tuesday, June 21, two days after the vote in France, illustrate the seriousness of the situation.

The entry of power from the extreme right of the House, for the first time since 1958, coincided with the loss of the absolute majority of the executive and the presence, on its left side, of a heterogeneous coalition but important in numbers. Palais-Bourbon appears to be more honest than ever in the real political situation in the country. Let’s just be happy. Its members have gained the possibility to exist more strongly than in the previous quinquennium, which is also welcomed.

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All of this, however, carries a major risk: instability. For, if the government is not sure that there is a sufficient number of votes to pass the bills, there is no alternative majority that can support another policy. So all the political forces were put under the utmost pressure, forced to adapt their game to an agreement that would shock them.

The first to be affected was the Head of State, who covered the verticality of his first five -year term, justifying it by the number and intensity of crises he had to deal with. Re-elected with 58.5% of the vote cast on April 24, Emmanuel Macron will have to completely rethink his approach to government and perhaps even his government to try to rally as many comrades as possible. as possible. The dual presidential and legislative campaign barely prepared him for it. He seems to be playing covertly with his opponents, at the risk of allowing a fierce antimacronism to ensue. The coalition principle that seems so natural to our European neighbors is currently strongly rejected by moderate parties, on the right as well as on the left, unhappy to see the stumbling block of someone who claims, since 2017, to oust them. . from the political scene.

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The 43 votes lost from the majority to the administration smelled of revenge for those who wanted to rehabilitate Parliament or even to overthrow the executive. In this game, Jean-Luc Mélenchon was the most offensive. He urged Elisabeth Borne to assume government responsibility before the National Assembly, with no guarantee that she would still be the Prime Minister in the coming days. He put the threat on a motion of censure and at the same time tried to impose his hegemony on the rest of the left for fear that La France insoumise, alone, would not carry enough weight. His competition with Marine Le Pen to try to snatch the title from the number one opponent puts him at a risk of one-upmanship, at a time when on the contrary he has to find ways of a compromise.

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There is nothing worse for the country than to be shut down and paralyzed. Ecological change, health, education, the issues defined during the campaign are very important risks to be prevented. There is an irritating topic: pension reform, widely opposed on the left and right. Emmanuel Macron will have to change it if he wants to pass it on. Meanwhile, the first pieces of legislation being prepared by the government relate to purchasing power and the fight against global warming. In these two themes, expectations are high and the differences are insurmountable. Each of the banks in the National Assembly must accept their responsibilities.

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